[from the diary of Joseph Addison Waddell, civilian employee of the Quartermaster Dept.]
Thursday, Oct. 23, 1862
At last we have the official report of recent operations in Kentucky, which I annex. Rumors this morning of movements down the Valley, but nothing authentic.
We have their ambulances!
The above extract shows that the North is beginning to find out the truth as to recent affairs.
“The Battle of Perryville— General Bragg’s Official Report,” “A Northern Minister on Southern Society,” and “The Maryland Campaign”
Letters from Memphis and Columbus, Ky, published in Western papers, state that the Yankee soldiers are greatly dissatisfied in regard to Lincoln’s emancipation proclamation. One writer says:
Another says:
Our government has now made a call, under the recent act of Congress for all men up to 40 years of age.
There is no hope that the war will end till foreign powers at least acknowledge our independence. The United States will be prevented by pride from taking their first step towards our recognition. As long as other nations ignore us, the Yankees will presume that the world of impartial spectators still expects them to reduce us to submission.
“Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation,” “Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation—A Warning,” and [Untitled]
THE BATTLE OF PERRYVILLE—GENERAL BRAGG’S OFFICIAL REPORT
The following is a copy of Major General Bragg’s official report of the battle of Perryville, Ky:
SIR—Finding the enemy pressing heavily in his rear, near Perryville, Major General Hardee, of Polk’s command, was obliged to halt and check him at that point. Having arrived at Harrodsburg from Frankfort, I determined to give him battle there, and accordingly concentrated three divisions of my old command—the army of the Mississippi, now under Major General Polk—Cheatham’s, Buckner’s, and Anderson’s—and directed Gen. Polk to take the command on the 7th, and attack the enemy next morning. Wither’s division had gone the day before to support Smith. Hearing, on the night of the 7th, that the force in front of Smith had rapidly retreated, I moved early next morning, to be present at the operations of Polk’s forces.
The two armies were formed confronting each other, on opposite sides of the town of Perryville. After consulting the General, and reconnoitering the ground and examining his dispositions, I declined to assume the command, but suggested some changes and modifications of his arrangements, which he promptly adopted. The action opened at 12 P. M., between the skirmishers and artillery on both sides. Finding the enemy indisposed to advance upon us, and knowing he was receiving heavy reinforcements, I deemed it best to assail him vigorously, and so directed.
The engagement became general soon thereafter, and was continued furiously from that time to dark, our troops never faltering and never falling in their efforts.
For some time engaged it was the severest and most desperately contested engagement within my knowledge. Fearfully outnumbered, our troops did not hesitate to engage at any odds, and though checked at times, they eventually carried every position, and drove the enemy about two miles. But for the intervention of night, we should have completed the work. We had captured fifteen pieces of artillery by the most daring charges, killed one and wounded two Brigadier Generals, and a very large number of inferior officers and men, estimated at no less than 4,000, and captured 400 prisoners, including three Staff officers, with servants, carriage, and baggage of Major General McCook.
The ground was literally covered with his dead and wounded. In such a contest our own loss was necessarily severe, probably not less than 2,500 killed, wounded, and missing. Included in the wounded are Brigadier Generals Wood, Cleburn and Brown—gallant and noble soldiers- -whose loss will be severely felt by their commands. To Major General Polk, commanding the forces, Major General Hardee, commanding the left wing, two divisions, and Major Generals Cheatham, Buckner, and Anderson, commanding divisions, is mainly due the brilliant achievements of this memorable field. Nobler troops were never more gallantly led. The country owes them a debt of gratitude, which I am sure will be acknowledged.
Ascertaining that the enemy was heavily reinforced during the night, I withdrew my force early the next morning to Harrodsburg, and thence to this point. Major General Smith arrived at Harrodsburg with most of his force and Wither’s division the next day, 10th, and yesterday I withdrew the whole to this point—the enemy following slowly, but not pressing us.
I am, sir, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
[Signed] Braxton Bragg, Gen. Com’g.
To Adjutant General, Richmond, Va.
A NORTHERN MINISTER ON SOUTHERN SOCIETY
Among the most stirring episodes in the proceedings of the Unitarian Autumnal Convention, which opened in sessions in Brooklyn, N. Y., Monday, was the peculiar feeling excited by the remarks of Rev. Dr. Bellows in eulogy of Southern social life and the influences proceeding from it. We reproduce the appended extract from his remarkable discourse, which elicited much bitter comment among the members of the Convention:
No candid mind will deny the peculiar charm of Southern young men at college, or Southern young women in society. How far race and climate, independent of servile institutions, may have produced the Southern chivalric spirit and manners, I will not here consider. But one might as well deny the small feet and hands of that people as deny a certain inbred habit of command; a contempt of life in defence of honor or class; a talent for political life, and an easy control of inferiors. Nor is this merely an external and flashy heroism. It is real. It showed itself in Congress early, and always by the courage, eloquence, skill and success with which it controlled majorities. It showed itself in the social life of Washington by the grace, fascination and ease, the free and charming hospitality, by which it governed society. It now shows itself in England and France, by the success with which it manages the courts and the circles of literature and fashion in both countries. It shows itself in this war in the orders and proclamations of its Generals, in the messages of the Rebel Congress, and in the essential good breeding and humanity (contrary to a diligently encouraged public impression) with which it not seldom divides its medical stores, and gives our sick and wounded as favorable care as it is able to extend to its own. It exceeds us at this moment in the possession of an ambulance corps.
I think the war must have increased the respect felt by the North for the South. Its miraculous resources, the bravery of its troops, their patience under hardships, their unthinking firmness in the desperate position they have assumed, the wonderful success with which they have extemporized manufactures and munitions of war, and kept themselves in relation with the world in spite of our magnificent blockade; the elasticity with which they have risen from defeat, and the courage they have shown in threatening again and again our capital, and even our interior, cannot fail to extort an unwilling admiration and respect. Well is General McClellan reported to have said (privately) as, he watched their obstinate fighting at Antietam, and saw them retiring in perfect order in the midst of the most frightful carnage: “What terrific neighbors they would be! We must conquer them, or they will conquer us!”
THE MARYLAND CAMPAIGN.—We find the following in the Washington Correspondence of the New York Times:
The rebel conflict in Maryland is the engrossing topic of conversation here. As it becomes clear that the rebel army has made good its escape, the tendency of public opinion is to deprecate the advantages secured by our triumph at Sharpsburg. While every credit is given to our gallant soldiers for their admirable fighting in the field, yet the loss of Harpers Ferry is beginning to be felt as a disastrous as well as humiliating defeat. The balance of advantage in the late expedition, evidently rests with the enemy, as they carry off all the plunder captured, including over 10,000 stand of arms, and over 50 pieces of artillery.
These losses, added to those sustained in the Peninsula and by General Pope’s army, must make an aggregate in considerable over fifty thousand stand of arms, one hundred pieces of artillery, recently loss in operations in the east sufficient to thoroughly equip an army half as large as that now retreating into Virginia. It is known that our losses of ordnance at Harper’s Ferry was also very large, and that they were not destroyed previous to the surrender.
These facts give point to a recent remark of General Ripley, Chief of Ordnance, who is said to have stated that he ought to be the ablest ordnance office in the world, as he was required to furnish arms enough to supply the enemy’s army as well as his own.
LINCOLN’S EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION.—The Memphis Bulletin, of the 30th ult, says:
We should be glad to hear Mr. Lincoln give a satisfactory answer to his own objection to his own proclamation, as stated a few days ago to the Chicago clergymen. His objections were thus stated:
“What good,” asked he, “would a proclamation of emancipation from me do, especially as we are now situated? I do not want to issue a document that the whole world will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope’s bull against the comet. Would my word free the slaves when I cannot even enforce the Constitution in the rebel States? Is there a single court or magistrate, or individual, that would be influenced by it there? And what reason ss there to think it would have any greater effect upon the slaves than the late law of Congress, which I approved, and which offers protection and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters who come within our lines. Yet I cannot learn that that law has caused a single slave to come over to us. And suppose they could be induced, by a proclamation of freedom from me, to throw themselves upon us, what should we do with them? How can we feed and care for such a multitude? Gen. Butler wrote me a few days since, that he was issuing more rations to the slaves who have rushed to him than all the white troops under his command. They eat and that is all.
After the president answers these objections, we would like to have his explanation of the following resolution, passed unanimously by Congress the 11th day of February, 1861.
Resolved, That neither Congress, nor the people, nor the Governments of the non-slave-holding States, have the right to legislation on or interfere with slavery in any of the slaveholding States of the Union.
Finally, we would respectfully call his attention to his inaugural, delivered before the people’s representatives at Washington, on the 4th of March, 1861:
“I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.”
And then he goes on to say:
“Those who nominated and elected me did so with the full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations, and have never recanted them. And more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:
“Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to the balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends.”
We regard the proclamation as unconstitutional and exceedingly ill timed. It is calculated to do, we fear, immense mischief to Kentucky, Missouri, and Maryland, where important military events are on the taps.
But our most serious objection to it is, that it destroys all we have ever said in defense of Mr. Lincoln’s conservatism, and confirms the argument of that class of men South who have seceded from the Union on the ground that Mr. Lincoln was an abolitionist and would administer the government with a view to the overthrow of slavery. There is to day, one universal shout in Dixie over the proclamation. “I told you so,” “I told you so,” runs through the lines and the Union men in the slave States hang their heads in sorrow.
LINCOLN’S PROCLAMATION — A WARNING. — The Harrisburg (Pa.) “Union” says: We warn the revolutionists in time. If they proceed in their purposes, let it be with their eyes open to all the consequences. Before they succeed in abolishing slavery, in violation of the Constitution, and elevating the negro to their own level their revolution must meet and subdue a movement independent of, and different from the Southern rebellion—a movement whose object will be to maintain the Constitution inviolate and crush to the earth every rebel impious enough to raise his hand against it.
There is little else talked of now amongst officers and soldiers, and at times their discussions become so heated that it requires the interference of friends to prevent a collision; in fact, hatred and bitterness are the necessary results of this unwarranted assumption of the President, and every day develops such dissatisfaction with a large portion of our army that fears are entertained as to the results. Already the soldiers are excited, and improve every opportunity to vent their indignation upon the hordes of negroes who are strutting the streets of Memphis, many of them wearing the uniforms of a soldier of the United States.
War is a terrible revolutionizer of political sentiments, and among the soldiers, no matter what may have been their former political creeds, you can scarcely find one man who is an avowed abolitionist, or who does not look with alarm upon all emancipation schemes. The test is now being applied, and the question comes directly home to everyone, and their future association and welfare are both in the issue.
And further than this there is no use in disguising the fact, that the soldiers are getting tired of this war, and are becoming heartily sick of its management.
[transcript of diary entry and clippings pasted in by the Valley of the Shadow project]
MSS 38-258
